It
was the standard practice for American infantry in Vietnam, where
boobytraps and minefields threatened unspeakable horrors. Lt. William
Diehl still remembers the day as a platoon leader on a jungle patrol.
One
of their prisoners, a suspected Viet Cong guerrilla, was brought
to the front of the line of soldiers. A rope was placed around the
prisoners neck and the platoon point man prodded the prisoner
to lead the way. They had not gone far when the human mine detector
broke a tripwire and set off a buried shell. This time, however,
the tactic failed. The blast was so powerful that it killed the
point man, ripping his heart from his chest. It also wounded Diehl.
Some nights, Diehl can still see the point mans heart pulsating
on the jungle trail. He was certain some Vietnamese children, their
mothers and grandparents living nearby were responsible. We
always believed the mines were planted by the villagers,
Diehl said.
Diehls unit violated U.S. Army training and at least three
of the laws of war. Prisoners, whether military POWs or enemy civilians,
cannot be forced to serve in military operations, be involved in
dangerous work, or be subjected to cruel or inhumane treatments.
What Diehl observed in Vietnam was specifically banned by Article
52 of the Third Geneva Convention of 1949.
Using
human mine detectors had become commonplace during the ten-year
war. In the My Lai massacre on March 16, 1968, troops of the Americal
Division destroyed an entire village and killed more than five hundred
old men, women, children, and infants. Only about twenty were spared;
In case we hit the minefield, Lt. William Calley
later told an Army court-martial.
The
motive for making civilians walk through minefields was survival.
Almost a third of the fifty-eight thousand American soldiers who
died in Vietnam were killed by a boobytrap or a mine; 40 per cent
of the 153,000 wounded fell to a similar weapon. But the Geneva
Conventions of 1949, which cover international, and, as in the case
of Vietnam, internationalized conflicts, leave no doubt
it is a war crime to force a captured soldier or civilian to walk
the point.
Compelling a prisoner of war to serve in the forces of the
hostile power is a grave breach, according to the Third Geneva
Convention. Unless he volunteers, employing a POW on unhealthy or
dangerous labor is banned. The Third Convention specifies that the
removal of mines or similar devices shall be considered as
dangerous labor. POWs also cannot be forced to do dangerous
work or work for which they are physically unsuited; they can only
be forced to work in sectors that are not military in nature or
purpose.
Under
the Fourth Geneva Convention, civilians cannot be forced into military
service but can be interned and compelled to work under the same
conditions as nationals of the occupying party. Internees may volunteer
to work for the needs of the army of occupation but
not its strategic or tactical requirements such as digging
trenches, or building fortifications and bases. Noninternees may
not be compelled to work.
The U.S. Army was well aware of the practice of using enemy POWs
and
civilians to clear mines during the war and of its criminal nature.
By the time of Calleys trial, the Infantry School at Fort
Benning had produced a training film showing an army platoon in
a Vietnamese village. The lieutenant tells his sergeant to take
some of the villagers and run them through a suspected area. You
want me, Lieutenant, to take the villagers and run them through
a minefield? the sergeant asks. Pressed to repeat the
order, the officer backs down.
During
the 1991 Gulf War, the lesson was remembered.
Norman Schwarzkopf, a lieutenant colonel in Calleys Americal
division in Vietnam, was in command. Confronted by desert belts
of Iraqi landmines and aware that thousands of Iraqi prisoners would
surrender rather than fight, Schwarzkopf ordered perhaps the most
ambitious effort to prevent war crimes ever conducted on a battlefield.
Every officer and enlisted soldier was lectured on the rules of
land warfare and the proper treatment of prisoners. According to
personnel in the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
legal division, they were contacted almost daily by members of Schwarzkopfs
staff on the finer points of the laws of war.
(See
forced labor.)
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